This week, we got some new insight into the lobbying fight over guns. What’s more interesting than the gun-rights groups outspending the gun-control groups–it is a Republican trifecta in DC after all–is the ranking among the former. The industry is now the clear leader on The Hill. Contributing Writer Jake Fogleman graphs out the path from 2016 to today, which shows both the decline of the NRA and the rise of the NSSF. Then, I take a look at the one real bright spot for gun dealers in the current market: Colorado. Governor Jared Polis (D.) just signed onerous new gun restrictions into law, and residents are flocking to their local gun store. FBI numbers show the last two months are unlike anything the state’s gun dealers have seen since the onset of the COVID-19 Pandemic. Plus, Black Basin Outdoors explains what ammo market data is saying about Trump’s tariffs on the podcast. Analysis: Charting the Industry’s Gun Policy Lobbying Rise [Member Exclusive] By Jake Fogleman Under the second Trump administration, the forces at work hoping to influence and shape American gun policy haven’t changed much, but one has risen above the pack. The National Shooting Sports Foundation (NSSF), the firearms industry’s trade association, has emerged as the dominant gun lobbying force. Aided in part by a boost in its own output as well as the diminishment of the country’s former top-dog, the National Rifle Association (NRA), the NSSF is currently spending more on federal lobbying than all of the other gun groups (on either side of the issue) combined. First quarter Lobbying Disclosure Act filings show the group has already spent $1,850,000 attempting to influence the recently minted federal Republican trifecta. By contrast, the NRA, Firearms Policy Coalition (FPC), and Citizens Committee for the Right to Keep and Bear Arms (CCRKBA) spent $626,904 put together over the same period. Meanwhile, the major gun-control groups—Everytown, Giffords, and Brady—collectively spent just $400,000. The early numbers tell a story of substantial disparities in both enthusiasm and capacity between the major gun groups. The first quarter of an inaugural year covers a good deal of the President’s first 100 days in office, a time generally marked by an administration and Congress aggressively pushing to establish their preferred policy agenda before external forces have as much sway over the business of the day. President Trump ran for re-election on promises to gun-rights advocates to enact a series of pro-gun reforms. Though the major gun-control groups outspent gun-rights groups leading up to the election, Trump’s victory, and that of enough like-minded lawmakers in both chambers of Congress to secure Republican majorities, chilled the influence of groups like Everytown and Giffords. The gap in spending on the gun-rights side is a different story. Groups like FPC and the CCRKBA have never had much of a federal lobbying presence, at least not to the degree of groups like the NRA and NSSF. The disclosures for other significant players like Gun Owners of America and the National Association